golden empire jili png Kosovo arrested several suspects on Saturday after an explosion at a key canal feeding two of its main power plants, while neighbouring Serbia rejected accusations of staging the blast. The explosion on Friday near the town of Zubin Potok, which sits in an ethnic Serb-dominated area in Kosovo's troubled north, damaged a canal that supplies water to hundreds of thousands of people and cooling systems at two coal-fired power plants that generate most of Kosovo's electricity. As security forces swarmed the area around the canal, whose concrete walls were left with a gaping hole gushing water, Prime Minister Albin Kurti visited the site and announced that authorities had arrested several people. Law enforcement "carried out searches" and "collected testimony and evidence, and the criminals and terrorists will have to face justice and the law", he said. Calling it "the most serious attack on critical infrastructure in Kosovo since the end of the war", Interior Minister Xhelal Svecla told the press that police had detained eight suspects. Police chief Gazmend Hoxha said that his office had seized "200 military uniforms, six grenade launchers, two rifles, a pistol, masks, knives" in the operation. "This is not a trivial attack, it was an act prepared by professional terrorist organisations," Svecla added. The arrests follow a security meeting late on Friday, when Kurti pointed the finger at Serbia. "The attack was carried out by professionals. We believe it comes from gangs directed by Serbia," he told a press conference, without providing evidence. Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic hit back on Saturday, denying the "irresponsible" and "baseless accusations". "Such unfounded claims are aimed to tarnish Serbia's reputation, as well as to undermine efforts to promote peace and stability in the region," he said in a statement to AFP. Serbian Foreign Minister Marko Djuric had earlier suggested on X that the Kosovar "regime" could itself be behind the blast, calling for an international investigation. The main political party representing Serbs in Kosovo, Serb List, also condemned the attack "in the strongest possible terms". AFP journalists at the scene saw water leaking heavily from one side of the reinforced canal, which runs from the Serb-majority north of Kosovo to the capital, Pristina. However, electricity supplies to consumers were running smoothly on Saturday morning, with authorities having found an alternative method to cool the plants, said Kosovo's Economy Minister Artane Rizvanolli. Repair work was ongoing, authorities said, while Kurti confirmed workers had managed to restore water flows to 25 percent capacity. The European Union denounced the explosion as a "terrorist attack". "It is a despicable act of sabotage on Kosovo's critical civilian infrastructure, which provides drinking water for (a) considerable part of Kosovo's population and is a vital component of Kosovo's energy system," the bloc's top diplomat, Josep Borrell, said in a statement. The United States, France and Turkey joined the international condemnation of the attack. "We call on all parties to exercise restraint to avoid escalation in the region," Turkey's foreign ministry said. The NATO-led KFOR peacekeeping mission for Kosovo likewise called for restraint. "It is important that facts are established and that those responsible are held accountable and brought to justice," it said in a statement. The force is providing security in the surrounding area and has offered logistical, explosives removal and engineering support to the Kosovo authorities, it added. Animosity between ethnic Albanian-majority Kosovo and Serbia has persisted since the end of the war between Serbian forces and ethnic Albanian insurgents in the late 1990s. Kosovo declared independence in 2008, a move that Serbia has refused to acknowledge. Kurti's government has for months sought to dismantle a parallel system of social services and political offices backed by Belgrade to serve Kosovo's Serbs. Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama on Saturday denounced "the act of sabotage on the critical water supply infrastructure in the Iber-Lepenc Canal" in comments on X, calling it "a serious crime that endangers the lives of Kosovo's citizens and undermines the process of normalising relations in our region". Friday's attack came after a series of violent incidents in northern Kosovo, including the hurling of hand grenades at a municipal building and a police station earlier this week. Kosovo is due to hold parliamentary elections on February 9.Warren Buffett is the CEO of Berkshire Hathaway ( BRK.A 0.99% ) ( BRK.B 0.95% ) , which has delivered an annual return of 19.8% since Buffett took the helm in 1965. That could have turned an investment of $1,000 into more than $42 million. The same investment in the S&P 500 index would have grown to just $308,115 over the same period. Buffett's simple long-term investing strategy is the secret to Berkshire's success. He likes companies with steady growth, reliable profitability, strong management teams, and shareholder-friendly initiatives like dividends and stock buybacks. You will never see him and his team piling money into the latest stock market trends -- even one as powerful as artificial intelligence (AI). However, four stocks in Berkshire's $292 billion portfolio of publicly listed securities are deploying AI into their legacy businesses in unique ways. 1. Domino's Pizza: 0.2% of Berkshire's portfolio Domino's Pizza ( DPZ 1.68% ) is the world's largest pizza chain with over 21,000 stores in 90 countries, which serve more than 1 million customers every day. Berkshire just added this stock to its portfolio in the third quarter of 2024 (ended Sept. 30), which might be a great sign for the pizza giant considering the conglomerate was a net seller of stocks overall . Domino's puts technologies like AI at the center of its operations, because they drive efficiency, which lowers costs and boosts profits. Thanks to the predictive capabilities of AI, it can start making pizzas before a customer even finishes placing an order. That means each pizza is cooked sooner and reaches the customer faster than ever. The company also uses Microsoft 's Azure OpenAI platform for the computing infrastructure and software required to create powerful AI assistants for its website, which can help customers with their orders. Lastly, AI is going to streamline operations in each store by helping managers save time on day-to-day tasks like inventory management and employee scheduling. 2. Amazon: 0.7% of Berkshire's portfolio Amazon ( AMZN -0.64% ) is the world's largest e-commerce company, but most investors are more focused on its Amazon Web Services (AWS) cloud business, which is trying to dominate the three core layers of AI: Infrastructure : AWS builds data centers fitted with industry-leading AI chips from suppliers like Nvidia and has designed its own chips, called Trainium and Inferentia. With Trainium, developers can save an estimated 50% on AI training costs compared to using other chips, and Amazon says it's producing more of them than it expected because demand is so high. Large language models (LLMs) : Amazon developed its own family of LLMs called Titan, but the AWS Bedrock platform is also home to the world's leading third-party LLMs like Anthropic's Claude 3.5, and Meta Platforms ' Llama 3.2. Developers use these ready-made LLMs to accelerate the build-out of their AI chatbots and software applications. Software : AWS developed an AI virtual assistant called Q to answer questions about an organization's internal data, and it can be prompted to instantly generate computer code. Amazon says Q is the most powerful assistant in the world for software developers. During the recent third quarter of 2024, Amazon said AI revenue within AWS grew by a triple-digit percentage compared to a year ago, and it's growing more than three times faster than the cloud division did at the same stage of its evolution. Berkshire invested in Amazon stock in 2019, and Buffett has expressed regret for not identifying the opportunity sooner. Even though it represents only 0.7% of the conglomerate's portfolio, it could still deliver spectacular returns over the long run thanks to AI. 3. Coca-Cola: 8.4% of Berkshire's portfolio Berkshire acquired 400 million shares in Coca-Cola ( KO 0.25% ) between 1988 and 1994 at a cost of $1.3 billion. It still holds all of them, and they are now worth $24.7 billion! AI certainly wasn't on Buffett's mind when he decided to invest in the soda giant back then, but it's playing an increasingly important role in the business today. Last year, Coca-Cola appointed a chief of generative AI. So far, the company has used the technology to create marketing campaigns and make a promotional version of its flagship soda called Coca-Cola Y3000. It captures what the drink might taste like in the year 3000 by using AI to analyze high volumes of customer data. Back in April, Coca-Cola also struck a five-year $1.1 billion deal with Microsoft Azure to improve its supply chains, marketing, and productivity. 4. Apple: 23.1% of Berkshire's portfolio Apple ( AAPL 0.59% ) is Berkshire's largest holding. The stock used to account for almost 50% of the conglomerate's entire portfolio, but Buffett sold more than half of his position during the first three quarters of 2024. We don't exactly know why, but Buffett has mentioned at least part of the reason for selling was that he thinks the capital gains tax could rise in the future, so it's beneficial to take profits now. The timing is certainly interesting. On the one hand, the S&P 500 is expensive right now with a price-to-earnings ratio (P/E) of 25.6, which is a 41% premium to its long-term average of 18.1. On the other hand, Apple is on the cusp of realizing an enormous opportunity within the AI space, which could fuel a significant device upgrade cycle over the next few years. The company recently started rolling out its Apple Intelligence software in the latest versions of its iPhone, iPad, and Mac computer lineup. It was developed in partnership with OpenAI. It allows users to summarize messages and emails with a single tap, and it can generate text and images. Plus, Apple's Siri voice assistant will now draw on the knowledge of OpenAI 's ChatGPT, which will make it more powerful than ever. Although Berkshire has been a heavy seller of Apple stock lately, Buffett expects it to remain the conglomerate's largest holding for now. Therefore, the investing legend is still likely to do very well if Apple's AI efforts pay off.Shohei Ohtani wins his third MVP and first in the NL following a historic offensive season with the Los Angeles Dodgers

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’

BAKU, Azerbaijan (AP) — In the wee hours Sunday at the United Nations climate talks, countries from around the world reached an agreement on how rich countries can cough up the funds to support poor countries in the face of climate change. It’s a far-from-perfect arrangement, with many parties still unsatisfied but some hopeful that the deal will be a step in the right direction. World Resources Institute president and CEO Ani Dasgupta called it “an important down payment toward a safer, more equitable future,” but added that the poorest and most vulnerable nations are “rightfully disappointed that wealthier countries didn’t put more money on the table when billions of people’s lives are at stake.” The summit was supposed to end on Friday evening but negotiations spiraled on through early Sunday. With countries on opposite ends of a massive chasm, tensions ran high as delegations tried to close the gap in expectations. Here’s how they got there: What was the finance deal agreed at climate talks? Rich countries have agreed to pool together at least $300 billion a year by 2035. It’s not near the full amount of $1.3 trillion that developing countries were asking for, and that experts said was needed. But some delegations said this deal is headed in the right direction, with hopes that more money flows in the future. The text included a call for all parties to work together using “all public and private sources” to get closer to the $1.3 trillion per year goal by 2035. That means also pushing for international mega-banks, funded by taxpayer dollars, to help foot the bill. And it means, hopefully, that companies and private investors will follow suit on channeling cash toward climate action. The agreement is also a critical step toward helping countries on the receiving end create more ambitious targets to limit or cut emissions of heat-trapping gases that are due early next year. It’s part of the plan to keep cutting pollution with new targets every five years, which the world agreed to at the U.N. talks in Paris in 2015. The Paris agreement set the system of regular ratcheting up climate fighting ambition as away to keep warming under 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) above pre-industrial levels. The world is already at 1.3 degrees Celsius (2.3 degrees Fahrenheit) and carbon emissions keep rising. What will the money be spent on? The deal decided in Baku replaces a previous agreement from 15 years ago that charged rich nations $100 billion a year to help the developing world with climate finance. The new number has similar aims: it will go toward the developing world’s long laundry list of to-dos to prepare for a warming world and keep it from getting hotter. That includes paying for the transition to clean energy and away from fossil fuels. Countries need funds to build up the infrastructure needed to deploy technologies like wind and solar power on a large scale. Communities hard-hit by extreme weather also want money to adapt and prepare for events like floods, typhoons and fires. Funds could go toward improving farming practices to make them more resilient to weather extremes, to building houses differently with storms in mind, to helping people move from the hardest-hit areas and to help leaders improve emergency plans and aid in the wake of disasters. The Philippines, for example, has been hammered by six major storms in less than a month , bringing to millions of people howling wind, massive storm surges and catastrophic damage to residences, infrastructure and farmland. “Family farmers need to be financed,” said Esther Penunia of the Asian Farmers Association. She described how many have already had to deal with millions of dollars of storm damage, some of which includes trees that won’t again bear fruit for months or years, or animals that die, wiping out a main source of income. “If you think of a rice farmer who depends on his or her one hectare farm, rice land, ducks, chickens, vegetables, and it was inundated, there was nothing to harvest,” she said. Why was it so hard to get a deal? Election results around the world that herald a change in climate leadership, a few key players with motive to stall the talks and a disorganized host country all led to a final crunch that left few happy with a flawed compromise. The ending of COP29 is “reflective of the harder geopolitical terrain the world finds itself in,” said Li Shuo of the Asia Society. He cited Trump’s recent victory in the US — with his promises to pull the country out of the Paris Agreement — as one reason why the relationship between China and the EU will be more consequential for global climate politics moving forward. Developing nations also faced some difficulties agreeing in the final hours, with one Latin American delegation member saying that their group didn’t feel properly consulted when small island states had last-minute meetings to try to break through to a deal. Negotiators from across the developing world took different tacks on the deal until they finally agreed to compromise. Meanwhile, activists ramped up the pressure: many urged negotiators to stay strong and asserted that no deal would be better than a bad deal. But ultimately the desire for a deal won out. Some also pointed to the host country as a reason for the struggle. Mohamed Adow, director of climate and energy think tank Power Shift Africa, said Friday that “this COP presidency is one of the worst in recent memory,” calling it “one of the most poorly led and chaotic COP meetings ever.” The presidency said in a statement, “Every hour of the day, we have pulled people together. Every inch of the way, we have pushed for the highest common denominator. We have faced geopolitical headwinds and made every effort to be an honest broker for all sides.” Shuo retains hope that the opportunities offered by a green economy “make inaction self-defeating” for countries around the world, regardless of their stance on the decision. But it remains to be seen whether the UN talks can deliver more ambition next year. In the meantime, “this COP process needs to recover from Baku,” Shuo said. ___ Associated Press reporters Seth Borenstein and Sibi Arasu contributed to this report. ___ The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org .By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Banque Cantonale Vaudoise reduced its position in shares of Illumina, Inc. ( NASDAQ:ILMN – Free Report ) by 70.2% during the 3rd quarter, according to its most recent 13F filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission. The firm owned 1,103 shares of the life sciences company’s stock after selling 2,595 shares during the quarter. Banque Cantonale Vaudoise’s holdings in Illumina were worth $144,000 as of its most recent filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission. Several other institutional investors also recently bought and sold shares of ILMN. Bank of New York Mellon Corp boosted its position in Illumina by 7.2% during the 2nd quarter. Bank of New York Mellon Corp now owns 3,039,538 shares of the life sciences company’s stock valued at $317,267,000 after acquiring an additional 204,043 shares in the last quarter. Primecap Management Co. CA boosted its position in Illumina by 462.5% during the 2nd quarter. Primecap Management Co. CA now owns 2,428,760 shares of the life sciences company’s stock valued at $253,514,000 after acquiring an additional 1,997,010 shares in the last quarter. Millennium Management LLC boosted its position in Illumina by 305.0% during the 2nd quarter. Millennium Management LLC now owns 1,485,599 shares of the life sciences company’s stock valued at $155,067,000 after acquiring an additional 1,118,747 shares in the last quarter. Renaissance Technologies LLC boosted its position in Illumina by 32.1% during the 2nd quarter. Renaissance Technologies LLC now owns 1,000,318 shares of the life sciences company’s stock valued at $104,413,000 after acquiring an additional 242,800 shares in the last quarter. Finally, Marshall Wace LLP bought a new stake in Illumina during the 2nd quarter valued at $77,628,000. 89.42% of the stock is currently owned by hedge funds and other institutional investors. Illumina Stock Performance NASDAQ ILMN opened at $140.14 on Friday. The stock has a 50-day simple moving average of $140.61 and a two-hundred day simple moving average of $124.76. The firm has a market capitalization of $22.23 billion, a P/E ratio of -14.07 and a beta of 1.13. Illumina, Inc. has a fifty-two week low of $93.51 and a fifty-two week high of $156.66. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.94, a quick ratio of 1.85 and a current ratio of 2.43. Analysts Set New Price Targets ILMN has been the topic of several recent research reports. Citigroup increased their target price on Illumina from $155.00 to $190.00 and gave the company a “buy” rating in a research report on Tuesday, November 5th. JPMorgan Chase & Co. raised their price objective on Illumina from $125.00 to $140.00 and gave the stock a “neutral” rating in a research report on Tuesday, November 5th. Royal Bank of Canada raised their price objective on Illumina from $252.00 to $254.00 and gave the stock an “outperform” rating in a research report on Tuesday, November 5th. Daiwa America raised Illumina to a “strong-buy” rating in a research report on Friday, August 16th. Finally, Stephens raised their price objective on Illumina from $170.00 to $184.00 and gave the stock an “overweight” rating in a research report on Tuesday, November 12th. One analyst has rated the stock with a sell rating, eight have assigned a hold rating, fourteen have issued a buy rating and two have issued a strong buy rating to the company’s stock. According to data from MarketBeat, the stock presently has an average rating of “Moderate Buy” and a consensus price target of $164.00. Check Out Our Latest Stock Report on ILMN Illumina Company Profile ( Free Report ) Illumina, Inc offers sequencing- and array-based solutions for genetic and genomic analysis in the United States, Singapore, the United Kingdom, and internationally. It operates through Core Illumina and GRAIL segments. The company offers sequencing and array-based instruments and consumables, which include reagents, flow cells, and library preparation; whole-genome sequencing kits, which sequence entire genomes of various size and complexity; and targeted resequencing kits, which sequence exomes, specific genes, and RNA or other genomic regions of interest. See Also Want to see what other hedge funds are holding ILMN? Visit HoldingsChannel.com to get the latest 13F filings and insider trades for Illumina, Inc. ( NASDAQ:ILMN – Free Report ). Receive News & Ratings for Illumina Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Illumina and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Published 5:39 pm Thursday, November 21, 2024 By Data Skrive The New Orleans Pelicans (4-12) will be monitoring eight players on the injury report, including Brandon Ingram, ahead of a Friday, November 22 matchup with the Golden State Warriors (11-3) at Smoothie King Center. The Warriors have listed two injured players. The game begins at 7:30 PM ET. Watch the NBA, other live sports and more on Fubo. What is Fubo? Fubo is a streaming service that gives you access to your favorite live sports and shows on demand. Use our link to sign up for a free trial. In their last matchup on Wednesday, the Pelicans suffered a 128-100 loss to the Cavaliers. In the losing effort, Antonio Reeves paced the Pelicans with 34 points. The Warriors head into this contest after a 120-97 win over the Hawks on Wednesday. Andrew Wiggins scored 27 points in the Warriors’ victory, leading the team. Sign up for NBA League Pass to get live and on-demand access to NBA games. Get tickets for any NBA game this season at StubHub. Catch NBA action all season long on Fubo. Not all offers available in all states, please visit BetMGM for the latest promotions for your area. Must be 21+ to gamble, please wager responsibly. If you or someone you know has a gambling problem, contact 1-800-GAMBLER .

Maryville storms past SU menOlivia Olson scored 18 points, including eight straight to open the fourth quarter, as the No. 23 Michigan Wolverines survived a 60-54 scare from the Northwestern Wildcats in the Big Ten opener for each team in Ann Arbor, Mich. Northwestern (4-4, 0-1 Big Ten) led throughout the third quarter and took a four-point lead into the fourth, but Olson capped her 8-0 burst with a 3-pointer, and Syla Swords also nailed a trey to put the Wolverines (8-1, 1-0) ahead 50-44. Michigan has won eight straight games since opening the season with a six-point loss to then-No. 1 South Carolina. Caileigh Walsh's 3-pointer put the Wildcats back in front 53-52 with 3:36 to go. Michigan responded by scoring eight of the game's last nine points, six by Jordan Hobbs. Hobbs finished with 16 points and teammate Mila Holloway had 10. Kyla Jones led Northwestern with 14 points and Walsh notched 10 before fouling out. No. 4 Texas 93, James Madison 62 Madison Booker, Jordan Lee and Rori Harmon dominated the first half as the Longhorns clobbered the host Dukes in Harrisonburg, Va. Booker scored 21 points, Lee added 20 and Harmon 19 by combining on 25-of-33 shooting. They had 49 of their points in the first half as Texas (7-1) piled up a 58-29 halftime lead. The Longhorns, who entered seventh in the nation in scoring at 90 points per game, shot 54 percent for the game to 40 percent for the Dukes. Roshala Scott led James Madison (7-3) with 22 points and Peyton McDaniel and Ashanti Barnes had 12 apiece. McDaniel added eight rebounds for the Dukes, who had 24 turnovers. No. 10 Notre Dame 93, Syracuse 62 The Fighting Irish pulled away from a seven-point halftime lead to demolish the host Orange in the ACC opener for both schools. The trio of Sonia Citron, Hannah Hidalgo and Olivia Miles led Notre Dame's win with double-doubles. Citron had 25 points and 11 rebounds, Hidalgo racked up 24 and 10, respectively, and Miles shone with 20 points, 10 rebounds and eight assists. Hidalgo, third in Division I in scoring (24.6 ppg), netted nine points and Citron had eight in the third quarter, as Notre Dame (7-2, 1-0 ACC) outscored Syracuse (4-6, 0-1) 29-13 to pull away. Keira Scott posted 16 points and Sophie Burrows tacked on 13 for the Orange, who shot only 32.5 percent. The Irish shot 50 percent and thrived despite 20 turnovers. No. 16 North Carolina 72, Coppin State 46 The Tar Heels built a comfortable halftime lead and used its bench players freely in devouring the Eagles in Chapel Hill, N.C. North Carolina (9-1) entered second-best in the nation in scoring defense at 49.1 points per game and excelled again, holding Coppin State to 27.3 percent shooting. Meanwhile, the Tar Heels shot 44.4 percent while having 12 players enter the scoring column, led by Maria Gakdeng's 10 points on 5-of-6 shooting. Reniya Kelly scored six of her eight points in the first quarter as North Carolina took a 23-13 lead. The Tar Heels grew the lead to 46-27 by intermission. Tiffany Hammond and Angel Jones scored 12 points apiece for Coppin State (6-5), and Laila Lawrence added 10 points with 10 rebounds. No. 18 Ole Miss 85, Tennessee State 38 The Rebels had more points by halftime than the Lady Tigers scored in the game after jumping out to a 14-2 lead in the first quarter and 44-19 by intermission. Kennedy Todd-Williams led Ole Miss (6-3) with 15 points and seven rebounds, and Sira Thienou added 12 and six, respectively. The Rebels shot 46 percent for the game. Ole Miss began the day seventh in the nation in scoring defense at 49.8 points allowed per game, and it punished Tennessee State to the tune of 23.6 percent shooting and 22 forced turnovers. XaiOnna Whitfield led the Lady Tigers (4-6) with 10 points. No. 20 Iowa State 82, Central Michigan 56 Audi Crooks scored 19 points on 9-of-12 shooting and added 10 rebounds as the Cyclones slammed the Chippewas in Ames, Iowa. Emily Ryan netted 10 of her 12 points in the first quarter and Crooks scored nine in the period as Iowa State (8-2) jumped out to a 31-13 lead and enjoyed a cushion of at least 18 points the rest of the way. Addy Brown added 18 points for the Cyclones, who shot 52.5 percent and rolled despite having 20 turnovers. Jayda Mosley led Central Michigan (3-6) with 11 points and Madi Morson and Ayanna-Sarai Darrington added 10 apiece. The Chippewas shot only 33.3 percent from the floor and had 26 turnovers. No. 24 Michigan State 89, DePaul 61 The unbeaten Spartans put four scorers in double figures as they systematically disposed of the Blue Demons in East Lansing, Mich. Jaddan Simmons finished with 18 points, five rebounds and five assists, and Julia Ayrault stuffed the stat sheet with 17 points, 12 rebounds, five assists and three steals for Michigan State (9-0). Emma Shumate and Jocelyn Tate had 12 and 10 points, respectively. Jorie Allen put up 15 points, 11 boards, seven assists and three steals and Grace Carstensen also notched 15 points for DePaul (3-7), which shot just 28.8 percent despite hitting 9 of 18 of its 3-point attempts. The Spartans led by seven after one quarter and 17 at halftime before coasting through the second half. No. 25 Nebraska 84, Minnesota 65 Strong first quarters by Callin Hake and Amiah Hargrove sent the Cornhuskers on their way to pinning the first loss on the Golden Gophers in the Big Ten Conference opener for each team. Hake scored eight of her 11 points in the first period and Hargrove eight of her 10 as Nebraska (8-1, 1-0 Big Ten) seized a 27-11 lead and never looked back. Hargrove scored eight of the Cornhuskers' 10 straight points to end the quarter. Alberte Rimdal led the winners with 12 points and Alexis Markowski added 11 with nine rebounds. Mallory Heyer collected 12 points and eight rebounds for Minnesota (10-1, 0-1). Tori McKinney scored 11 points and Grace Crocholski and Alexsia Rose 10 apiece, but the Golden Gophers hit just 35.2 percent of their shots. --Field Level Media

NHL Reporter Reveals If New Jersey's Timo Meier Will Receive a Punishment from the League For Dirty Hit

Nick Fuentes faces battery charge after alleged home assaultInvestment experts share their top buy, hold and sell tips

Wantagh Christmas tree lighting postponed due to fire