haha777 apk latest version WASHINGTON (AP) — As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become Project 2025 as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As the blueprint for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, Trump pulled an about-face . He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in the detailed effort he temporarily shunned. Most notably, Trump has tapped Russell Vought for an encore as director of the Office of Management and Budget; Tom Homan, his former immigration chief, as “border czar;” and immigration hardliner Stephen Miller as deputy chief of policy . Those moves have accelerated criticisms from Democrats who warn that Trump's election hands government reins to movement conservatives who spent years envisioning how to concentrate power in the West Wing and impose a starkly rightward shift across the U.S. government and society. Trump and his aides maintain that he won a mandate to overhaul Washington. But they maintain the specifics are his alone. “President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” said Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “All of President Trumps' Cabinet nominees and appointments are whole-heartedly committed to President Trump's agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.” Here is a look at what some of Trump's choices portend for his second presidency. The Office of Management and Budget director, a role Vought held under Trump previously and requires Senate confirmation, prepares a president's proposed budget and is generally responsible for implementing the administration's agenda across agencies. The job is influential but Vought made clear as author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the post to wield more direct power. “The Director must view his job as the best, most comprehensive approximation of the President’s mind,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is a President’s air-traffic control system” and should be “involved in all aspects of the White House policy process,” becoming “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” Trump did not go into such details when naming Vought but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — Trump’s catch-all for federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal sanity.” In June, speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.” The strategy of further concentrating federal authority in the presidency permeates Project 2025's and Trump's campaign proposals. Vought's vision is especially striking when paired with Trump's proposals to dramatically expand the president's control over federal workers and government purse strings — ideas intertwined with the president-elect tapping mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy to lead a “Department of Government Efficiency.” Trump in his first term sought to remake the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil service workers — who have job protection through changes in administration — as political appointees, making them easier to fire and replace with loyalists. Currently, only about 4,000 of the federal government's roughly 2 million workers are political appointees. President Joe Biden rescinded Trump's changes. Trump can now reinstate them. Meanwhile, Musk's and Ramaswamy's sweeping “efficiency” mandates from Trump could turn on an old, defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “impoundment,” which holds that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills, they simply set a spending ceiling, but not a floor. The president, the theory holds, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary. Vought did not venture into impoundment in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The President should use every possible tool to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything short of that would constitute abject failure.” Trump's choice immediately sparked backlash. “Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law to give President Trump unilateral authority he does not possess to override the spending decisions of Congress (and) who has and will again fight to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of civil servants,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, a Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations chairwoman. Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, leading Democrats on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said Vought wants to “dismantle the expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans' health care to Social Security benefits. “Pain itself is the agenda,” they said. Trump’s protests about Project 2025 always glossed over overlaps in the two agendas . Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration limits. Project 2025 includes a litany of detailed proposals for various U.S. immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries — reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers, for example. Miller is one of Trump's longest-serving advisers and architect of his immigration ideas, including his promise of the largest deportation force in U.S. history. As deputy policy chief, which is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump's West Wing inner circle. “America is for Americans and Americans only,” Miller said at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally on Oct. 27. “America First Legal,” Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counter to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked that the name be removed because of negative attention. Homan, a Project 2025 named contributor, was an acting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement director during Trump’s first presidency, playing a key role in what became known as Trump's “family separation policy.” Previewing Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said: “No one’s off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.” John Ratcliffe, Trump's pick to lead the CIA , was previously one of Trump's directors of national intelligence. He is a Project 2025 contributor. The document's chapter on U.S. intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe's chief of staff in the first Trump administration. Reflecting Ratcliffe's and Trump's approach, Carmack declared the intelligence establishment too cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is hawkish toward China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is framed as a U.S. adversary that cannot be trusted. Brendan Carr, the senior Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote Project 2025's FCC chapter and is now Trump's pick to chair the panel. Carr wrote that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. He called for the FCC to address “threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” He called for more stringent transparency rules for social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.” Carr and Ratcliffe would require Senate confirmation for their posts.KANSAS CITY, Mo. — The clock may have just struck midnight on the 2024 Colorado season. Deion Sanders’ No. 16 Buffaloes appeared on a mission to the Big 12 championship game — and maybe even beyond into the College Football Playoff — but all of that is in doubt after Kansas ended CU’s five-game winning streak on Saturday night at Arrowhead Stadium. Here are three takeaways from the Buffs’ 37-21 loss that drops them to 8-3 on the season and 6-2 in Big 12 play: Through 10 games, the CU defense hadn’t faced a rushing attack it couldn’t stop — or at least contain enough to win the game. That stopped against the Jayhawks, who did whatever they wanted to do on offense for every second of the 60-minute game. And what they wanted to do was get the ball to veteran running back Devin Neal, who proceeded to carry the ball 37 times for 207 yards and three touchdowns. He also caught the ball four times for 80 yards and a touchdown for a grand total of 287 yards of total offense and four scores. The Buffs have faced just about every good running back the Big 12 has to offer — and there are a lot of them — but Neal looked like the best of the bunch on this day. Colorado’s offense has been missing something — namely someone — for a few weeks now. The Buffs could handle the loss to sophomore Omarion Miller, who suffered a season-ending injury in early October. Freshman Drelon Miller is capable of filling that void, but maybe not the one left open by the injury to Jimmy Horn Jr. in recent weeks. The veteran wide receiver has dealt with a handful of injuries this season and just hasn’t been able to put together any kind of impact performance since his dazzling season debut, when he finished just shy of 200 receiving yards. Shedeur Sanders was able to find Travis Hunter eight times for 125 yards and two touchdowns, but the CU offense just couldn’t keep up with what KU was doing on the other sideline. Good luck trying to figure out these Big 12 tiebreakers, folks. While Arizona State was beating BYU in the desert at the same time the Buffs were losing at Arrowhead, it caused a jumble at the top of the conference that is going to be tough to sort out with now four two-loss teams at the top of the standings (barring an Iowa State loss to Utah late Saturday night). The Buffs aren’t dead yet, but they missed a big opportunity to take sole possession of first place in the Big 12 and essentially put one foot in the conference title game on Dec. 7. Now, who knows?

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NEW DELHI An alliance led by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s party was set to retain power in the western state of Maharashtra, according to official election results on Saturday evening. The Mahayuti alliance led by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was leading on most seats, with the BJP alone winning 125 and leading on seven others. Its ally, Shiv Sena, won 54 seats and was ahead on three others. On the other hand, of the total 288 seats, the main opposition Congress party-led Maha Vikas Aghadi alliance was set to win more than 40. Maharashtra, home to financial hub Mumbai, is India's richest state. The BJP, however, lost in the eastern state of Jharkhand. The Mukti Morcha party, which has an alliance with Congress, won most seats in the 81-member assembly. Reacting to the party’s spectacular performance in Maharashtra, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said good governance and development has won. “United we will soar even higher! Heartfelt gratitude to my sisters and brothers of Maharashtra, especially the youth and women of the state, for a historic mandate to the NDA (ruling National Democratic Alliance). This affection and warmth is unparalleled,” Modi wrote on X. Maharashtra voted on Nov. 20, while elections in Jharkhand were held in two phases on Nov. 13 and 20. Vote counting was conducted on Saturday.