In a letter to the Prime Minister, shadow foreign secretary Dame Priti Patel and shadow justice secretary Robert Jenrick claimed the decision by the International Criminal Court (ICC) had “no proper basis in international law”. They said the UK’s refusal to explicitly say whether or not the Israeli premier would be detained if he arrived in the country “opens the farcical spectre of your Government trying to sanction the arrest” of an ally to Britain. Criticising the ICC warrant, the shadow ministers said: “It is hard to escape the conclusion this is an activist decision, motivated by politics and not the law.” They argued the court was established to pursue cases in instances where countries do not have robust and independent judiciaries, which could not be said of Israel. “The UK Government’s response to the decision has been nonsensical,” they said. “On Friday, the Home Secretary refused to say whether Mr Netanyahu would be detained if he travelled to the UK. “This opens the farcical spectre of your Government trying to sanction the arrest on UK soil of the leader of an ally of the UK, while you continue a diplomatic charm offensive with the Chinese Communist Party leader Xi Jinping. “It falls to you to clarify the Government’s position – now. The Government must make clear that it does not support an arrest warrant being issued which has no proper basis in international law.” Downing Street on Friday indicated that Mr Netanyahu could face arrest if he entered the UK, refusing to comment on “hypotheticals” but saying Britain would always follow its “legal obligations”. The International Criminal Court Act 2001 states that a Secretary of State must, on receipt of a request for arrest from the ICC, “transmit the request and the documents accompanying it to an appropriate judicial officer”. Asked whether the UK would comply with requirements under the Act, Sir Keir’s spokesman said: “Yes, the Government would fulfil its obligations under the Act and indeed its legal obligations.” The ICC has issued a warrant for Mr Netanyahu and his former defence minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes in Gaza. Number 10 previously said the domestic process linked to ICC arrest warrants has never been used to date by the UK because no-one wanted by the international court had visited the country. It added that Israel remained a “key partner across a range of areas”. The Prime Minister’s official spokesman said: “It is important that we have a dialogue with Israel at all levels to reach the ceasefire that we all want to see, to bring an end to the violence, to protect civilians and ensure the release of hostages.” The ICC also issued a warrant for Mohammed Deif, head of Hamas’s armed wing, over the October 7 2023 attacks that triggered Israel’s offensive in Gaza. A domestic court process would be required before Mr Netanyahu faced arrest if he set foot in the UK. The ICC said there are “reasonable grounds to believe” Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant were responsible for “the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare, and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution and other inhumane acts”. The court’s pre-trial chamber also found “reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gallant each bear criminal responsibility as civilian superiors for the war crime of intentionally directing an attack against the civilian population”. The impact of the warrants is likely to be limited since Israel and its major ally, the US, are not members of the ICC.Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’xbet casino 。

Company Declares Quarterly Dividend of $0.17 Per Share LAS VEGAS , Dec. 5, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Boyd Gaming Corporation (NYSE: BYD) today announced that its Board of Directors has authorized an additional $500 million under the Company's share repurchase program. Considering the additional authorization, the Company had approximately $843 million remaining in repurchase authority as of September 30, 2024 . Additionally, the Board of Directors has declared a quarterly cash dividend of $0.17 per share, payable January 15, 2025 , to shareholders of record as of December 16, 2024 . About Boyd Gaming Founded in 1975, Boyd Gaming Corporation (NYSE: BYD) is a leading geographically diversified operator of 28 gaming entertainment properties in 10 states, manager of a tribal casino in northern California , and owner and operator of Boyd Interactive, a B2B and B2C online casino gaming business. The Company is also a strategic partner and 5% equity owner of FanDuel Group, the nation's leading sports- betting operator. With one of the most experienced leadership teams in the casino industry, Boyd Gaming prides itself on offering guests an outstanding entertainment experience and memorable customer service. Through a long-standing company philosophy called Caring the Boyd Way, Boyd Gaming is committed to advancing Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives that positively impact the Company's stakeholders and communities. For additional Company information and press releases, visit https://investors.boydgaming.com . View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/boyd-gaming-announces-additional-500-million-share-repurchase-authorization-302324275.html SOURCE Boyd Gaming CorporationLuke Humphries defeats Luke Littler to retain Players Championship Finals title

Hail Flutie: BC celebrates 40th anniversary of Miracle in Miami

( MENAFN - PR Newswire) HONG KONG, Dec. 22, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Eddid financial (the "Group") is pleased to announce the establishment of the "Eddid Financial 10th Anniversary International Bursary" and "Eddid Financial 10th Anniversary International Academic Bursary" in collaboration with the School of Oriental and African Studies ("SOAS") at the University of London for the 2024/25 academic year. This bursary is designed to support outstanding master's students at SOAS Business School who have financial needs and demonstrate academic excellence, enabling them to fully engage in academic research and realize their potential. SOAS is one of the UK's premier universities, renowned for its excellence in academic research and its multicultural environment, attracting students from around the globe. As the only institution in the UK dedicated to the study of Asia, Africa, and the Middle East within the humanities and social sciences, it enjoys an esteemed international reputation. Eddid Financial is committed to nurturing talent, particularly in the finance sector. The Group is honored to partner with SOAS once again, believing that this initiative will create more equitable learning and development opportunities for young people from diverse backgrounds, broadening their international perspectives and cultivating future leaders in the global business arena. The Group also looks forward to maintaining a long-term, close partnership with SOAS to promote academic exchange and development, contributing to global education and empowering students to excel in an increasingly globalized environment. About Eddid Financial Anchored in Hong Kong, Eddid Financial is an all-encompassing financial group centered around fintech and dedicated to integrating cutting-edge artificial intelligence technologies and other latest technologies into its enterprise DNA. The diversified businesses of Eddid Financial range from retail to institutional and include but are not limited to fintech, internet finance, wealth management, asset management, investment banking, and virtual assets. Eddid Financial is committed to providing one-stop financial services and products to customers through high-quality investment solutions. Members of the Group hold a variety of licenses and memberships across key financial markets. These include Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission (SFC) regulated activities ("RA") licenses for types 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 9; SEHK and HKCC participant (OTP-C broker number: 0974 and 0977), Insurance Broker Company license; Trust or Company Service Provider License in Hong Kong. Additionally, our fully owned U.S. broker-dealer subsidiary, Eddid Securities USA Inc., maintains approved membership with the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA), the National Futures Association (NFA), and the Securities Investor Protection Corporation (SIPC), and the Nasdaq Stock Market LLC (NQX), and is a registered broker dealer with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) in the United States. CONTACT: [email protected] SOURCE Eddid Financial MENAFN22122024003732001241ID1109022089 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.

Third quarter revenue totaled $173.4 million , representing an increase of 19% year-over-year. Trailing four quarter average Net Dollar Retention Rate was 109% at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025 as compared to 119% at the end of third quarter of fiscal 2024 . Third quarter GAAP RPO totaled $775.4 million , representing an increase of 14% year-over-year; third quarter current GAAP RPO totaled $481.4 million , representing an increase of 20% year-over-year. Third quarter non-GAAP RPO totaled $795.6 million , representing an increase of 14% year-over-year; third quarter current non-GAAP RPO totaled $499.4 million , representing an increase of 19% year-over-year. SAN FRANCISCO, Dec. 05, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- HashiCorp, Inc. (NASDAQ: HCP), The Infrastructure Cloud TM company, today announced financial results for its third quarter of fiscal 2025, ended October 31, 2024. “The HashiCorp team delivered strong performance during the third quarter of fiscal 2025, with revenue growth of 19% year-over-year, and 8% growth in $100,000 customers year-over-year” said Dave McJannet, CEO, HashiCorp. “This quarter we gathered our community of customers, practitioners, and partners at HashiConf in Boston, where we announced critical updates across Infrastructure and Security Lifecycle Management product lines, and also continued work towards closing the company's transaction with IBM.” "HashiCorp continued to see promising growth in adoption of the HashiCorp Cloud Platform, with cloud revenues exceeding 17% of total subscription revenue this quarter" said Werner Schwock, Interim CFO & CAO. "New HashiCorp Cloud Platform features announced this quarter will continue to support our Infrastructure Cloud vision.” Proposed Merger with International Business Machines ("IBM") As announced on April 24, 2024, HashiCorp and IBM have entered into a merger agreement under which IBM will acquire HashiCorp for $35.00 per share in cash, representing an enterprise value of $6.4 billion. HashiCorp stockholders approved the merger agreement on July 15, 2024. The transaction is expected to be completed in the first calendar quarter of 2025, subject to the satisfaction or waiver of the closing conditions in the merger agreement. In light of the proposed transaction with IBM, HashiCorp will not be holding a conference call to discuss financial results or providing financial guidance in conjunction with its third quarter of fiscal 2025 earnings release. Fiscal 2025 Third Quarter Financial Results Revenue : Total revenue was $173.4 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, up 19% from $146.1 million in the same period last year. Gross Profit : GAAP gross profit was $143.6 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, representing an 83% gross margin, compared to a GAAP gross profit of $120.5 million and an 82% gross margin in the same period last year. Non-GAAP gross profit was $148.4 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, representing an 86% non-GAAP gross margin, compared to a non-GAAP gross profit of $125.4 million and an 86% non-GAAP gross margin in the same period last year. Operating Income (Loss) : GAAP operating loss was $29.9 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to GAAP operating loss of $55.6 million in the same period last year. Non-GAAP operating income was $11.0 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to a non-GAAP operating loss of $10.5 million in the same period last year. Net Income (Loss) : GAAP net loss was $13.0 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to a GAAP net loss of $39.5 million in the same period last year. Non-GAAP net income was $26.9 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to a non-GAAP net income of $5.6 million in the same period last year. Net Income (Loss) per Share : GAAP basic and diluted net loss per share was $0.06, based on 203.5 million weighted-average shares outstanding in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to a GAAP net loss per share of $0.20 based on 194.6 million weighted-average shares outstanding in the same period last year. Non-GAAP basic and dilutive net income per share were both $0.13, based on 203.5 million and 211.7 million weighted-average shares outstanding, respectively, in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to a non-GAAP basic and diluted net income per share of $0.03 in the same period last year. Remaining Performance Obligation (RPO): Total RPO was $775.4 million at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025, up from $678.2 million in the same period last year. The current portion of GAAP RPO was $481.4 million at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025, up from $402.1 million at the end of the same period last year. Total non-GAAP RPO was $795.6 million at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025, up from $700.4 million at the end of the same period last year. The current portion of non-GAAP RPO was $499.4 million at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025, up from $420.8 million at the end of the same period last year. Cash, cash equivalents, and investments : Net cash provided by operating activities was $38.2 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to $8.7 million provided by operating activities in the same period last year. Cash, cash equivalents and short-term investments totaled $1,346.4 million at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to $1,255.7 million at the end of the same period last year. Reconciliations of GAAP financial measures to the most comparable non-GAAP financial measures have been provided in the tables included in this release. Fiscal 2025 Third Quarter and Recent Operating Highlights HashiCorp ended the third quarter of fiscal 2025 with 4,856 customers, up from 4,709 customers at the end of the previous fiscal quarter, and up from 4,354 customers at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2024. The Company ended the third quarter of fiscal 2025 with 946 customers with equal or greater than $100,000 in Annual Recurring Revenue (“ARR”), up from 934 customers at the end of the previous fiscal quarter and 877 customers at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2024. Customers with equal to or greater than $100,000 in ARR represented 89% of total revenue in the third quarter of fiscal 2025 compared to 89% in the previous fiscal quarter and 89% in the third quarter of fiscal 2024. Quarterly subscription revenue from HashiCorp Cloud Platform (HCP) reached $29.0 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, up from $26.5 million in the previous fiscal quarter and up from $19.9 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2024. The Company's trailing four quarter average Net Dollar Retention Rate was 109% at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to 110% in the previous quarter and 119% at the end of the third quarter of fiscal 2024. About HashiCorp, Inc. HashiCorp is The Infrastructure CloudTM company, helping organizations automate multi-cloud and hybrid environments with Infrastructure Lifecycle Management and Security Lifecycle Management. HashiCorp offers The Infrastructure Cloud on the HashiCorp Cloud Platform (HCP) for managed cloud services, as well as self-hosted enterprise offerings and community source-available products. The company is headquartered in San Francisco, California. For more information, visit hashicorp.com. All product and company names are trademarks or registered trademarks of their respective holders. Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Act of 1995, as amended, including, among others, statements about HashiCorp’s business strategy, go-to-market initiatives, revenue growth, and long-term opportunity related to HashiCorp’s product innovation, and the proposed merger with IBM. In some cases you can identify forward-looking statements because they contain words such as “anticipate,” “believe,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “intend,” “may,” “might,” “likely,” “plan,” “potential,” “predict,” “project,” “seek,” “should,” “target,” “will,” “would,” or similar expressions and the negatives of those terms. Such statements are subject to numerous important factors, risks and uncertainties that may cause actual events or results to differ materially from current expectations and beliefs, including but not limited to risks and uncertainties related to market conditions, HashiCorp and its business as set forth in our filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”) pursuant to our Annual Report on Form 10-K dated March 20, 2024, Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q dated December 5, 2024, and our future reports that we may file from time to time with the SEC. These documents contain and identify important factors that could cause the actual results for HashiCorp to differ materially from those contained in HashiCorp’s forward-looking statements. Any forward-looking statements contained in this press release speak only as of the date hereof, and HashiCorp specifically disclaims any obligation to update any forward-looking statement, except as required by law. Use of Non-GAAP Financial Measures In addition to our results determined in accordance with GAAP, we have disclosed non-GAAP gross profit, non-GAAP gross margin, non-GAAP operating loss, non-GAAP net loss, non-GAAP net loss per share, non-GAAP free cash flow and total and current non-GAAP RPOs, which are all non-GAAP financial measures. We have provided tabular reconciliations of each non-GAAP financial measure to its most directly comparable GAAP financial measure at the end of this release. We calculate non-GAAP gross profit as GAAP gross profit before amortization of stock-based compensation included in the amortized expenses of capitalized internal-use software, stock-based compensation expense, and amortization of acquired intangibles included in cost of revenue. We calculate non-GAAP gross margin as GAAP gross margin before the impact of stock-based compensation of capitalized internal-use software, stock-based compensation expense and amortization of acquired intangibles included in cost of revenue as a percentage of revenue. We calculate non-GAAP operating loss as GAAP operating loss before amortization of stock-based compensation of capitalized internal-use software, stock-based compensation expense, amortization of acquired intangibles, and merger and acquisition-related expenses. We calculate non-GAAP net income (loss) as GAAP net loss before amortization of stock-based compensation of capitalized internal-use software, stock-based compensation expense, amortization of acquired intangibles, and merger and acquisition-related expenses, which comprise one-time costs associated with advisory, legal, and other professional fees, net of tax adjustments. We calculate non-GAAP net income (loss) per share as non-GAAP net income (loss) divided by weighted average shares outstanding (basic and diluted). We calculate non-GAAP free cash flow as net cash provided by (used in) operating activities less purchases of property and equipment and capitalized internal-use software costs. Non-GAAP free cash flow as a % of revenue is calculated as non-GAAP free cash flow divided by total revenue. We calculate non-GAAP RPOs as RPOs plus customer deposits, which are refundable pre-paid amounts, based on the timing of when these customer deposits are expected to be recognized as revenue in future periods. The current portion of non-GAAP RPO represents the amount to be recognized as revenue over the next 12 months. Our management team uses these non-GAAP financial measures internally in analyzing our financial results and believe they are useful to investors, as a supplement to GAAP measures, in evaluating our ongoing operational performance. We believe that the use of these non-GAAP financial measures provides an additional tool for investors to use in evaluating ongoing operating results and trends and in comparing our financial results with other companies in our industry, many of which present similar non-GAAP financial measures to investors. Non-GAAP financial measures have limitations as an analytical tool and should not be considered in isolation from, or as a substitute for, financial information prepared in accordance with GAAP. In particular, other companies may report non-GAAP gross profit, non-GAAP gross margin, non-GAAP loss from operations, non-GAAP net income (loss), non-GAAP net income (loss) per share, non-GAAP free cash flow, non-GAAP RPOs or similarly titled measures but calculate them differently, which reduces their usefulness as comparative measures. Investors are encouraged to review the reconciliation of these non-GAAP measures to their most directly comparable GAAP financial measures, as presented below. This earnings press release and any future releases containing such non-GAAP reconciliations can also be found on the Investor Relations page of our website at https://ir.hashicorp.com. (1) The adjustments relate to the tax impact of stock-based compensation expense and amortization of acquired intangibles. (1) For the reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP for the historical periods presented, refer to our prior earning releases. (2) Amount is less than 1%. (1) For the reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP for the historical periods presented, refer to our prior earning releases. Investor Contact HashiCorp ir@hashicorp.com Media Contact Kate Lehman HashiCorp media@hashicorp.com

With nearly all of the votes counted, left-leaning Mr Milanovic won 49% while his main challenger Dragan Primorac, a candidate of the ruling conservative HDZ party, trailed far behind with 19%. Pre-election polls had predicted that the two would face off in the second round on January 12, as none of the eight presidential election contenders were projected to get more than 50% of the vote. Mr Milanovic thanked his supporters but warned that “this was just a first run”. “Let’s not be triumphant, let’s be realistic, firmly on the ground,” he said. “We must fight all over again. It’s not over till it’s over.” Mr Milanovic, the most popular politician in Croatia, has served as prime minister in the past. Populist in style, the 58-year-old has been a fierce critic of current Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic and continuous sparring between the two has been a recent hallmark of Croatia’s political scene. Mr Plenkovic has sought to portray the vote as one about Croatia’s future in the EU and Nato. He has labelled Mr Milanovic “pro-Russian” and a threat to Croatia’s international standing. “The difference between him (Mr Primorac) and Milanovic is quite simple: Milanovic is leading us East, Primorac is leading us West,” he said. Though the presidency is largely ceremonial in Croatia, an elected president holds political authority and acts as the supreme commander of the military. Mr Milanovic has criticised the Nato and European Union support for Ukraine and has often insisted that Croatia should not take sides. He has said Croatia should stay away from global disputes, thought it is a member of both Nato and the EU. Mr Milanovic has also blocked Croatia’s participation in a Nato-led training mission for Ukraine, declaring that “no Croatian soldier will take part in somebody else’s war”. His main rival in the election, Mr Primorac, has stated that “Croatia’s place is in the West, not the East”. However, his bid for the presidency has been marred by a high-level corruption case that landed Croatia’s health minister in jail last month and which featured prominently in pre-election debates. Trailing a distant third in the pre-election polls is Marija Selak Raspudic, a conservative independent candidate. She has focused her election campaign on the economic troubles of ordinary citizens, corruption and issues such as population decline in the country of some 3.8 million. Sunday’s presidential election is Croatia’s third vote this year, following a snap parliamentary election in April and the European Parliament balloting in June.By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

BERKELEY HEIGHTS, N.J., Dec. 05, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Cyclacel Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (NASDAQ: CYCC, NASDAQ: CYCCP; "Cyclacel" or the "Company"), a biopharmaceutical company developing innovative cancer medicines, today announced that it is in the process of exploring and reviewing strategic alternatives on an expedited basis in order to preserve the Company’s cash, including a potential transaction with investor David Lazar of Activist Investing, LLC, which transaction would be subject to the consent of an existing securityholder. The Company’s Board of Directors is reviewing a range of appropriate strategies to realize value from its assets. The Board has directed management to reduce operating costs while such alternatives are being explored. There can be no assurance that the exploration of strategic alternatives will result in any agreement or transaction, or as to the timing of any such agreement or transaction. Further, there can be no assurance that the Company will be able to reach an agreement, or consummate a transaction, with Mr. Lazar or receive the required consent of an existing securityholder to any such transaction. As previously disclosed, the Company does not presently meet the continued listing requirements of the Nasdaq Stock Market and its securities would be subject to delisting if the Company fails to regain compliance during the required compliance period. In the event that the Company is not able to enter into a strategic transaction and/or secure additional funding, it may be forced to cease all business operations. In such event, the Company’s stockholders may lose a part or all of their investment in the Company. About Cyclacel Pharmaceuticals, Inc. Cyclacel is a clinical-stage, biopharmaceutical company developing innovative cancer medicines based on cell cycle, transcriptional regulation and mitosis biology. The transcriptional regulation program is evaluating fadraciclib, a CDK2/9 inhibitor, and the anti-mitotic program plogosertib, a PLK1 inhibitor, in patients with both solid tumors and hematological malignancies. Cyclacel's strategy is to build a diversified biopharmaceutical business based on a pipeline of novel drug candidates addressing oncology and hematology indications. For additional information, please visit www.cyclacel.com . Forward-looking Statements This news release contains certain forward-looking statements that involve risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results to be materially different from historical results or from any future results expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. Such forward-looking statements include, among other things, statements related to the Company’s exploration and review of strategic alternatives, its ability to identify and complete a transaction as a result of the strategic review process, including a potential transaction with David Lazar, its plans to reduce costs and conserve cash and Cyclacel’s ability to regain and maintain compliance with Nasdaq’s continued listing requirements. You are urged to consider statements that include the words "may," "will," "would," "could," "should," "believes," "estimates," "projects," "potential," "expects," "plans," "anticipates," "intends," "continues," "forecast," "designed," "goal," or the negative of those words or other comparable words to be uncertain and forward-looking. These risks and uncertainties include the risk that the Company may not be successful in exploring strategic alternatives and consummating one or more strategic transactions on attractive terms, if at all; the Company’s actual reductions in spending as compared to anticipated cost reductions; the Company’s costs of continuing to operate as a public company; and the other risks described more fully in Cyclacel Pharmaceuticals’ filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including the “Risk Factors” section of the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ending December 31, 2023 and its other documents subsequently filed with or furnished to the Securities and Exchange Commission, including its Form 10-Q for the quarter ended September 30, 2024. For a further list and description of the risks and uncertainties the Company faces, please refer to our most recent Annual Report on Form 10-K and other periodic and other filings we file with the Securities and Exchange Commission and are available at www.sec.gov . Such forward-looking statements are current only as of the date they are made, and we assume no obligation to update any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise. Contacts Company: Paul McBarron, (908) 517-7330, IR@cyclacel.com © Copyright 2024 Cyclacel Pharmaceuticals, Inc. All Rights Reserved. The Cyclacel logo and Cyclacel® are trademarks of Cyclacel Pharmaceuticals, Inc.

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